
Illustration:Xia Qing/GT
Editor's Note:
As the 10th anniversary of the illegal "South China Sea arbitration award" approaches, the Philippines, in collusion with certain external forces, has stepped up its efforts to distort the facts and stir up trouble in the South China Sea. Yet over the past decade, this "award" has been continuously debunked by time and reality, making its fundamentally illegal and absurd nature ever more apparent. The Global Times invites three Chinese experts to engage in an in-depth discussion on the so-called "award."
Dai Fan, director of the Center of Philippines Studies, Jinan UniversityAs the "anniversary" approaches, the Philippines is seizing the moment to ramp up its rhetoric, propagating distorted narratives and erroneous positions regarding the South China Sea issue. The Philippines is the rotating chair of ASEAN this year. Regional countries have remained consistently vigilant against the moves of the Philippines that seek to exploit the opportunity to hype up the issue and - both overtly and covertly - insert related disputes into the ASEAN multilateral agenda.
In recent years, the Philippines has repeatedly engaged in provocative actions that infringe upon China's rights in the South China Sea. It has also colluded with forces from outside the region. Although rational voices exist within the Philippines - with some politicians calling for the avoidance of external interference and the resolution of disputes through dialogue and negotiation - these moderate stances often face criticism from anti-China factions, and the atmosphere for improving relations is frequently undermined by confrontational moves instigated by Manila.
Amid a fragmented decision-making system and a tug-of-war between competing domestic forces, hardline - and even openly anti-China - factions have gained the upper hand, severely poisoning both bilateral relations and the situation in the South China Sea.
A prime example of military alignment beyond the US-Philippines axis is the rapidly deepening military and security cooperation between the Philippines and Japan, which are effectively forging a "quasi-military alliance." Underlying this dynamic is a mutual exploitation of interests: Manila seeks to internationalize the South China Sea issue and embolden its provocations against China. Meanwhile, Japan aims to use the Philippines as a pawn in its own "remilitarization" agenda; this not only exposes its ambitions to revive militarism but also disrupts the broader regional environment of security, stability and prosperity.
At the ASEAN Summit this May, the Philippines proposed establishing an "ASEAN Maritime Center" under the guise of "cooperation and coordination between ASEAN Member States." However, the future realization of this proposal remains uncertain; even if it were to materialize, it is unlikely to be led by Manila or used to "counter China" as some in the Philippines envision.
After all, ASEAN consistently upholds regional peace and stability regarding the South China Sea issue, emphasizes managing differences through dialogue and consultation, and opposes interference by external powers. Constructing a new narrative for the South China Sea - one of peace, cooperation and friendship - is both an urgent priority and an inevitable trend.
Hong Nong, executive director at the Institute for China-America StudiesBased on the illegal ruling of the 2016 "South China Sea arbitration award," the Philippines has fabricated and spread false narratives. The purpose is to project its illegal claims as "common sense" in international opinion, compressing the South China Sea dispute into a "political story" that is easier to disseminate and more convenient for mobilizing external interference.
The tactics exerted by the Philippines are not complicated but clearly targeted. For example, it frequently invokes terms like "arbitral award," "international law" and "freedom of navigation," while continuously staging the drama that the villain becomes the accuser even before being accused. Through such fabrication and packaging, Manila attempts to turn the historical and complex reality of the South China Sea issue into a false narrative of "big powers bullying smaller ones."
However, the South China Sea issue is never a simple "fable" that can be solely depicted by Manila. Clarifying the relevant incidents requires specific questions: Where did the incidents occur? Which maritime areas and rights claims are involved? Did the actions of the parties alter the situation on the ground? Who is conducting unilateral provocations? Who is escalating the confrontation? Who is introducing external forces to turn a regional friction into an international opinion farce? Without understanding this factual chain, the issue can easily be distorted into a "drama" divorced from reality.
Ultimately, international politics cannot be simplified into "moral fables," nor international law reduced to propaganda slogans. The South China Sea should not become a stage for moral narratives or geopolitical games. What truly benefits stability is not Philippine-style narrative mobilization or rash endorsement of external regional countries, but complete facts, prudent judgment and respect for regional consultation.
Xu Xiaodong, deputy chairman of Huayang Center for Maritime Cooperation and Ocean GovernanceStanding at the crossroads of 10 years, four questions about the "award" reveal nothing but its absurdity and toxicity.
First, is the "award" the answer to peace and stability in the South China Sea? Clearly not. The South China Sea dispute should be handled by the directly concerned countries through negotiation and consultation. Yet after the "award" was issued, certain claimant states seized upon it to politicize legal issues, turn security matters into bloc confrontation and internationalize regional issues. Coupled with the frequent reinforcement of military presence by external forces such as the US under the banners of "freedom of navigation" and "upholding the rules," the South China Sea is at risk of being dragged into a vortex of intensified great power rivalry.
Second, has the "award" become an "international consensus"? Clearly not. China's non-acceptance and non-recognition of the arbitration are fully supported by both facts and law. The Arbitral Tribunal disregarded the fact that the essence of the China-Philippines dispute concerns territorial sovereignty over some islands and reefs as well as maritime delimitation, violated the principle of state consent, acted in excess of its statutory authority, and abused the dispute settlement mechanism under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea.
Third, how destructive is the "award?" It has attempted to deny China's long-established historic rights and governance practices through selective interpretations. It has altered the way some countries approach disputes, making certain states more inclined to create confrontations at sea through provocative actions and public opinion campaigns, thereby deepening differences that could otherwise have been managed through diplomatic communication. It has cloaked geopolitical maneuvering in the guise of law, seriously undermining mutual trust among regional countries.
Finally, how should the "award" be treated? Persistently rebutting and exposing the fallacies of the "award" is necessary not only for safeguarding China's sovereignty and rights in the South China Sea, but also for defending the fundamental principles and authority of international law. The resolution of the South China Sea dispute cannot rely on an "award" handed down by external forces, nor can it depend on military coercion or media campaigns. The only viable path is to return to direct negotiations between the parties concerned and to joint management of differences among regional countries.